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Tulane University, New Orleans, Louisiana, and Marine Biological Laboratory, Woods Hole, Massachusetts, USA
1Correspondence: 41 Fern Lane, Woods Hole, MA 02543-1111, USA.
| INTRODUCTION |
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| INTERNATIONAL ASPECTS |
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| TISSUE CULTURE ASSOCIATION |
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In November 1946, at Hershey, Pa., a conference on in vitro problems was organized by Albert Claude for the Physiology Panel of the Committee on Growth of the National Research Council (NRC). (This committee administered the sizeable research funds of the American Cancer Society.) Ross G. Harrison gave the keynote address. By preceding correspondence and conversations during that meeting, Keith Porter collected a splinter group of 34 like-minded scientists to discuss the primary problem of lack of standards for the preparation of media tissue culture. At that time there was no mention of collation of tissue culture techniques. Each laboratory had its own recipe for preparing media (sometimes secret) that were developed empirically by trial and error for their particular needs, sometimes solved by adding a modicum of magic chick embryo extract. Much time was wasted washing glassware, sterilization, etc. At that informal meeting, Dale Coman suggested that Keith Porter be president of a new organization. Porter in turn appointed Dale Coman as vice president. Margaret Murray agreed to be secretary, and Duncan Hetherington became treasurer. Because of the declared need for standardized media, Tissue Culture Commission was chosen as the name, keeping in mind the successful Commission on Biological Stains organized by H. J. Conn. With the adoption of a constitution and increased committee activity, the name was changed to Tissue Culture Association circa 1948.
Things progressed rapidly. During 19481950, room was provided for a media testing and standardization laboratory under Porters supervision in the close-by Sloan-Kettering Institute by Director C. P. Rhoads (also chairman of the Committee on Growth, NRC). Harry Eagle, director of the National Cancer Institute, provided material and personnel support for the lab. Space in the Rockefeller was refused because the director, Herbert Gasser, did not want to get involved in possible for-profit research. Porter then attracted the interest of two commercial labs, Microbiological Associates and Difco. By 1949, nine media certified by the Tissue Culture Association were available, three from the former and six from the latter. Tremendously beneficial to the science was Margaret Murrays dedication to the development of a tissue culture bibliography, cross-indexed by subject. Her first two volumes in 1950 contained 86,000 entries.
Another important development was the establishment of summer tissue culture technique courses. The first, in 1948, was held in Raymond Parkers tissue culture lab in Toronto, with sixteen students including Harry Eagle and Don Fawcett. According to Porter, Parker became somewhat annoyed by possible contaminations brought in by neophytes. The succeeding year the course was moved to Cooperstown into a space provided by the Mary Imogene Bassett Hospital. The hospital had no interest in tissue culture per se but welcomed the excitement. A good working relationship quickly developed. Porter reported many "fabulous meetings."
The above narrative depicts the tremendous explosion of tissue culture science during the period of 19461950 with Porter being a prominent instigator. A review of all personalities involved also explains why the USNC of the IUBS saw fit to recommend that the Tissue Culture Association was a logical base for formation of a U.S. Cell Biology Society. The suggestion was received with definite mixed feelings by the association. After considerable discussion and expression of strong opinion, the proposal was declined primarily on the basis that the more broad potentials of cell biology would dilute and subvert the more clearly defined objectives of the Tissue Culture Association. The decision proved beneficial to both groups.
| NIH STUDY SECTION OPERATION |
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It is always interesting to connect names to historical events. The U.S. Public Health Service (USPHS) was originated to care for the health of our U.S. seamen and to guard ports against the influx of possible diseases. The USPH hospitals are called Marine Hospitals. The National Institute of Health (singular) arose later within the USPHS to conduct surveys and study diseases. Gradually, an intramural research program developed. After World War II, the Office of Naval Research closed down its research program (headed by Orr Reynolds). A considerable residual sun was offered to Dr. Parran, surgeon general, USPHS, to be used in some way to promote research. The proposal percolated down through several administrative layers, ending up with Cassius J. Van Slyke, then associate director of NIH (succeeded by James Shannon, director). He circulated an absolutely naive letter to academic institutions asking if they could use some money for research purposes. A deluge of requests descended on him sufficient to attract the attention of Congress. In retrospect, his letter was not so naive because Congress within a few years was awarding almost embarrassingly generous funds that at times far exceeded those recommended by the Administration. Two influential promoters were Senator Hill and Congressman Fogarty.
Ernest M. Allen organized and became the first director of the DRG located in an old World War II temporary building, T-6, on the NIH campus. Ernest was one of a kind, bordering on true genius. He graduated from Emory University and attained a Masters degree in French. This was in the midst of the almost forgotten Depression. He then became involved in one of Franklin D. Roosevelts programs, the National Youth Administration. There his flair for administration caught the attention of a friend of FDR and an influential Democrat, Boisfeuillet Jones (called Bo Jones by most and Buffalo Jones by a few). With Jones as a mentor, Allen ended up at NIH. His intelligence and natural southern charm defused many tense situations. Further, he did not operate in a vacuum. Working closely with him as deputy was Dale Lindsay, M.D., a career USPHS officer and Berwin (Bert) Cole, chief of the Project Review Branch, DRG. This branch had the important task of reviewing all NIH grant applications and assigning them to study sections for evaluation (plus a priority score) and to the councils of appropriate institutes for program funding. By this method, peer review was isolated from the often political program decisions. The councils, in addition to scientists, had lay members such as Mrs. Mary Lasker, who had considerable political clout. Many pressures were involved. Fortunate to his mission, Bert was one of the most ethical persons I have known. He eventually became an associate commissioner of the Food and Drug Administration before reaching retirement.
| INSTITUTES FOR CELL BIOLOGY |
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In 19571958, the Morphology and Genetics Study Section and the new Cell Biology Study Section at their triennial meetings intermittently discussed the desirability of establishing block-type research support for groups of investigators working on the increasingly complex studies of the cell. They hoped to obtain the synergistic effect of interdisciplinary approaches within a group and at the same time decrease the administrative demands of dealing with individual projects. Central to the idea was the sharing of use of major equipment such as electron microscopes. Keith Porter, Don Fawcett, and Dale Coman in particular were strong proponents.
Finally, using money from the chairmans grant, Porter and I were authorized to visit some of the more active national institutions in order to ask their opinions. The responses were, predictably, positive and included helpful suggestions. Ernest Allen, director of DRG, had kept a sympathetic eye on our efforts. He immediately circulated a long memo (six pages) to all the National Advisory Councils and all study sections, dated 24 October 1958 and entitled "Recommendation of the Cell Biology Study Section for Special Programming in Cell Biology." It contained a recommendation from the study section for the establishment of a specific program, called University Laboratories in Cell Biology, funded and operated within existing NIH grant framework. A first draft of the proposal was prepared by an ad hoc group with Keith Porter (chairman), Clifford Grobstein, Heinz Herrmann, Daniel Mazia, Ernst Scharrer, Van Potter, and Herbert Taylor. The final draft was prepared by a formal study section subcommittee composed of C. P. Oliver (chairman), Elmer Butler, Don Costello, Don Fawcett, Keith Porter, and Ernst Scharrer. The final document was approved at the section meeting on 27 September 1958 and forwarded to Ernst Allen. The proposal created quite a stir at NIH but was eventually talked to a quiet death. It did not neatly fit into the existing granting framework, and, equally important, the concept of large project grants was not yet fully recognized. However, the effort paid big dividends because the term cell biology then became well recognized as denoting a discipline.
| JOURNAL FOR CELL BIOLOGY |
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| AMERICAN SOCIETY FOR CELL BIOLOGY |
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| NSF COUSIN ACTIVITIES |
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| ACKNOWLEDGMENTS |
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